Sunday, 17 June 2012

JUDICIAL REVIEW OF ARTICLE 356

An article written by R. B. Singh that was originally published in Our Leader (Allahabad edition) on October 22, 1993




Events are events, they cannot be denied: it is better to have a clear and distinct vision of the past to provide a safeguard against the re-occurrence of them in future.
Bengal had been termed always, the laboratory of India; it had also been said, “What is occurring in Bengal today, will occur in the rest of India tomorrow.
          Following the events of February 14, 1968 Shri Dharam Vira, Governor of West Bengal, might have summoned Dr. P. C. Ghosh, Chief Minister of the state, belonging to the Progressive Democratic Front Congress Party, members of his Council of Ministers, secured an advice from them for dissolution of the Legislative Assembly and mid-term poll. He would have dissolved the Legislative Assembly in exercise of his powers under Article 172(2) (b) of the Constitution of India, asked Dr. P. C. Ghosh and his Council of Ministers to function in caretaker capacity, wrote to the Chief Election Commissioner to make arrangements for the mid-term General Election, but he did not choose the above instead he preferred to submit a report to the President of India in exercise of his powers under Article 356 of the Constitution of India while reads:
(i) If the President on receipt of report from the Governor of a State or otherwise, is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provision of this Constitution, the President may be Proclamation
(a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State and all or any body or authority in the State;
(b) Declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament.
(c) make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President to be necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the proclamation, including provisions for suspending in whole or in part the operation of any provisions of this Constitution relating to anybody or authority in the State:
Provided that nothing in this clause shall authorize the President to assume to himself any of the powers vested in or exercisable by a High court, or to suspend in whole or in part the operation of any provision on this Constitution relating to High Courts.
            He wrote to the President of India:
            As you are aware the United Front Ministry led by Shri  Ajoy Kumar Mukherji as the Chief Minister ceased to hold office on the 21st November 1967 and the Ministry headed by Dr. P.C. Ghosh, leader of the newly formed Progressive democratic Front, and supported by the Congress Legislature Party was sworn in on the same day.
            I enclose a copy of the press announcement from Raj Bhawan of the 21st November 1967 which give the necessary back ground in this regard and which I authorized for issue at the time. Also enclosed are copies of the relevant gazette notifications on the subject.
            On the advice of the new Chief Minister, Dr. P. C. Ghosh I summoned a session of the state Legislature to meet on the 29th November 1967. At the commencement of the sitting of the Legislative Assembly on that date and before any other business could be taken up, the speaker made a written statement in the first paragraph of which he remarked as follows:
            “ I am prima facie satisfied that the dissolution of the Ministr headed by Shri Ajoy Kumar Mukherjee, the appointment of Dr. P. C. Ghosh as Chief Minister, and the summoning of the House on his advice is unconstitutional and invalid  since it has been effected behind the back of this house. Pending a full and proper examination of the matter, in exercise of the powers vested in me under Rule 15 of the rules of procedure of this Assembly I adjourn the House sine die.”
       I enclose a copy of the Speaker’s statement. This was followed by compete pandemonium in the House during which the Chief Minister was hit by a heavy metallic object hurled towards him causing him, fortunately, only a minor injury. The Legislative Council also met on the same day and passed a motion of confidence in the Ministry headed by Dr. P. C. Ghosh.
            On the advice of the Chief Minister I prorogued  the Legislative Assembly with effect from the 30th November 1967 and also on his advice, the Legislative Council with effect from the 1st December 1967.
On 21st November 1967 I had sworn in the two other Ministers belonging to the Progressive Democratic Front along with the Chief Minister. The Ministry was subsequently enlarged by the addition of four Ministers and four Minister of State, all belonging to the Progressive Democratic Front. The congress party in the state Legislature later decided to form a coalition with the Progressive Democratic Front and on the 15th January 1986 , six Ministers belonging to the Congress Party, were appointed on the Chief Minister advice. The Progressive Democratic Front, Congress coalition Ministry thus came to consist of the Chief Minister, 12 Ministers and four Ministers of state.
          The legality of appointment of the Ghosh Ministry was contested by three writ petitions in the Calcutta High Court. On the 6th February a Judge of the Calcutta High Court after a contested hearing delivered an elaborate judgment and upheld my legal competence to take the action I had taken as Governor of the State. A copy of the Judgement is enclosed. I understand that an appeal has been filed before the appeal bench of the High Court against that Judgment.
           On the 11th February, 18 MLAs wrote to me withdrawing their support to the Progressive Democratic Front Congress coalition Government from that date. Some of them also came to see me alongwith Shri Ashutosh Ghosh , MLC. These MLAs formed a Front called the Indian National Democratic Front under the leadership of Shri Syankardas Bajerji, MLA. There were some tals between the MLAs who formed Front and the United Front Leaders for forming an alternative Government.
              In this connection Shri Ajoy Kumar Mukherji, leader of the United Front and Former Chief Minister, and Shri Jyoti Basu, former Deputy Chief Minister, met me on the 13th Feburary. They handed over to me a copy of their letter to Shri Shankardas Banerji offering the United Font’s support to his party on certain conditions. They said that as the congress, Progressive Democratic Front coalition had lost its majority, that Ministry should be dismissed and Shri Shankardas Banerji invited to form a new Government with the United Front support. I told them that as the Assembly was to meet on the 14th February, the question of relative strength of the parties could easily be decided on the floor of the Assembly. I pointed out to Shri Ajoy Kumar Mukherji that this was the identical advice I had given to him and only when the disregarded my advice that other action by me followed.  
Shri Ajoy Kumar Mukherji and Shri Jyoti Basu hereafter requested me not to address the joint session of the Assembly and the council on the 14th February as they did not like any unseemly incidents to occur. I told them that I had certain constitutional obligations and they had to be discharged. Merely a danger of incidents could not deter me from discharging my constitutional obligations. There after after Shri Ajoy Kumar Mukherji and Shri Jyoti Basu urged that I should recommend to you the President’s rule because if the President’s rule could be introduced even for a day they would withdraw the agitation against the calling of the Assembly being illegal and would not mind if thereafter, if I thought that Dr. P.C. Ghosh enjoyed a majority, I invited him to form a government again.
            I told them that the question of President’s rule or some other action could be considered only after the Assembly had met. These matters could not be decided in advance.
             The first session of the State Legislature for 1968 was summoned by me on the advice of the Chief Minister to meet on the 14th February, 1968. According to the Constitution I was required to address a joint sitting of both the Houses of the Legislature. After the legislature was summoned the leaders of the United Front declared that they would prevent me from entering the legislature and delivering my address and would do everything to disrupt the functioning of the Assembly. When I went to the Assembly to deliver my address a determined group of MLAs, belonging to the United Front demonstrated against me and attempted to prevent me from entering the legislative chamber through the usual entrance.  However, I was able to go into the legislative chamber by a side entrance and amidst great pandemonium began reading my address. I was able to read only a portion my address explaining the cause of summons and as because of the pandemonium there was no point in my continuing to read my address, I left the Chamber.
              A motion of thanks was thereafter proposed by one of the members of the council and seconded by another.
              He pointed out that the controversial Article was nothing but a rewritten version of the draconian section 93 of the Government India, Act 1953. “We have proved Churchill’s observation that Indian are not fit to rule themselves” he said
             “What we now have is a situation where a Chief Minister of state has to make 10 to 20  trips to Delhi every month and the opposition demands imposition of President’s Rule rather than stake a claim to form a stable government. Article 356 must go. The commission must recommend its removal, for Article 352 and 356 are sufficient” he said.  

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